China's rapid economic growth in the recent decades has produced an unprecedented energy vulnerability that could threaten the sustainability of its economic development, a linchpin to social stability and ultimately the regime legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the foundation for China's rising power aspirations. What is the Chinese perception of the energy security and challenges, how has the Chinese government responded to the challenges? What are the international implications of China's search for energy security? This collection of contributions by leading scholars seeks answers to these extremely important questions. The book is divided into three parts. Part I presents an overview of China's sense of energy security and its strategic responses. Part II examines China's energy policy-making processes, the efforts to reform and reorganize the energy sector and reset policy priorities Part III focuses on the international implications of China's search for energy security. This book consists of articles published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This book examines the development model that has driven China's economic success and looks at how it differs from the Washington Consensus. China 's Development Model (CDM) is examined with a view to answering a central question: given China 's peculiar matrix of a socialist party-state juxtaposed with economic internationalization and marketization, what are the underlying dynamics and the distinctive features of the economic and political/legal/social dimensions of the CDM, and how do we properly characterize their interrelations? The chapters further analyse to what extent and under what circumstances is China's development model sustainable, and to what degree is it readily applicable to other developing countries.

Based on their findings in this volume, the authors conclude that the defining feature of the CDM 's economic dimension is "Janus-faced state-led growth," and the political/legal/social dimension of the CDM is best characterized as "adaptive post-totalitarianism." The contributors illustrate that the CDM 's parameters are shown to be much less sustainable than the CDM 's outcome in developmental performance and the extent to which the CDM can be applied to other late-developers is subject to more qualifications than its sustainability.

To convey the image of a responsible power willing to contribute to regional stability and cooperation, China has shifted from a single-minded preference for bilateralism to an active participation in East Asian regionalism in the recent decades. This development has inspired discussions over whether a rising China could play a leadership role in building an institutionalized architecture for regional cooperation in East Asia. Nevertheless, this has not happened as East Asian regional cooperation and relevant activities remain mostly ad hoc and informal, especially when compared to regions such as Europe. To what extent has China contributed or constrained the development of regionalism in East Asia? What are China's desired roles and objectives in East Asian regional cooperation? What is the level of trust that other regional players have for China in regional cooperation? This book seeks answers to these questions by exploring China's motivations and strategic calculations as well as its policy practices in East Asian economic and security cooperation. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary China.

China is unique in modern world history. No other rising power has experienced China's turbulent history in its relations with neighbors and Western countries. Its sheer size dominates the region. With leader Xi Jinping's political authority unmatched, Xi's sense of mission to restore what he believes is China's natural position as a great power drives the current course of the nation's foreign policy. When China was weak, it was subordinated to others. Now, China is strong, and it wants others to subordinate, at least on the issues involving what it regards as core national interests. What are the primary forces and how have these forces driven China's reemergence to global power? This book weaves together complex events, processes, and players to provide a historically in-depth, conceptually comprehensive, and up-to-date analysis of Chinese foreign policy transition since the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC), arguing that transformational leaders with new visions and political wisdom to make their visions prevail are the game changers. Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, and Xi Jinping are transformational leaders who have charted unique courses of Chinese foreign policy in the quest for security, prosperity, and power. With the ultimate decision-making authority on national security and strategic policies, these leaders have made political use of ideational forces, tailoring bureaucratic institutions, exploiting the international power distribution, and responding strategically to the international norms and rules to advance their foreign policy agendas in the path of China's ascendance.

Rising as a global power and regarding the existing world order unjust and unreasonable enough to meet the interests of both itself and other emerging powers, China has demanded reform to global governance, and taken new initiatives using its new quotient of wealth and influence to draw countries into its orbit. This comprehensive volume focuses on the two most important of these initiatives: the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013 to strengthen China's connectivity with a large part of the world through infrastructure and economic development; and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), created in 2015, which represented China's effort in the reconstruction of the international development rules. This book explores how these two initiatives are central to China's emerging global strategy. The authors examine China's geopolitical and geo-economic motivations and domestic political dynamics in launching these two initiatives. They also investigate the responses from the major foreign partners involved in both initiatives. This book will be of great interest to students, academics and researchers of China's emerging global strategy. It comprises articles originally published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This book examines information and public opinion control by the authoritarian state in response to popular access to information and upgraded political communication channels among the citizens in contemporary China. Empowered by mass media, particularly social media and other information technology, Chinese citizen's access to information has been expanded. Publicly focusing events and opinions have served as catalysts to shape the agenda for policy making and law making, narrow down the set of policy options, and change the pace of policy implementation. Yet, the authoritarian state remains in tight control of media, including social media, to deny the free flow of information and shape public opinion through a centralized institutional framework for propaganda and information technologies. The evolving process of media control and public opinion manipulation has constrained citizen's political participation and strengthened Chinese authoritarianism in the information age. The chapters originally published as articles in the Journal of Contemporary China.

Instead of emphasizing China as a developing country, Chinese President Xi Jinping has identified China as a big power and accentuated China's big power status. This book explores the narratives and driving forces behind China's big power ambition. Three narratives rooted in Sino-centralism are examined. One is China's demands for the reform of global governance to reflect the values and interests of China as a rising power. Another is China's Belt and Road Initiative to construct a nascent China-centred world order. The third is the China model and self-image promotion in the developing countries. There are many forces that have driven or constrained China's big power ambition. This collection focuses on two sets of forces. One is China's domestic politics and economic incentives and disincentives. The other is China's geo-political and geo-economic interests. These forces have both motivated and constrained China's big power ambition. The chapters in this book were originally published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This book is a study of the making of foreign policy of China, a rising power in the 21st century. It examines three sets of driving forces behind China's foreign policy making. One is historical sources, including the selective memories and reconstruction of the glorious empire with an ethnocentric world outlook and the century of humiliation at the hands of foreign imperialist powers. The second set is domestic institutions and players, particularly the proliferation of new party and government institutions and players, such as the national security commission, foreign policy think tanks, media and local governments. The third set is Chinese perception of power relations, particularly their position in the international system and their position relations with major powers. This book consists of articles from the Journal of Contemporary China.

This comprehensive volume is a three-part study of whether the Chinese political system has maintained a significant degree of regime legitimacy in the context of rising domestic discontent, in particular the popular protests against socio-economic inequality and environment degradation. Part I presents the scholarly debate on the theoretical refinement and empirical measurement of regime legitimacy in contemporary China. Part II focuses on the challenges to regime legitimacy of the increasingly widespread popular protests and civil activism. Part III examines the regime's responses to these challenges, including coercive repression, adaptation, and economic performance. This book finds that, while repression can hardly stop popular protests - and often backfires - economic performance legitimacy is increasingly difficult to be maintained. The only way out is the adaptation to the changing domestic and international environment. The chapters in this collection were originally published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This comprehensive volume is a three-part study of whether the Chinese political system has maintained a significant degree of regime legitimacy in the context of rising domestic discontent, in particular the popular protests against socio-economic inequality and environment degradation. Part I presents the scholarly debate on the theoretical refinement and empirical measurement of regime legitimacy in contemporary China. Part II focuses on the challenges to regime legitimacy of the increasingly widespread popular protests and civil activism. Part III examines the regime's responses to these challenges, including coercive repression, adaptation, and economic performance. This book finds that, while repression can hardly stop popular protests - and often backfires - economic performance legitimacy is increasingly difficult to be maintained. The only way out is the adaptation to the changing domestic and international environment. The chapters in this collection were originally published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This book is a study of the making of foreign policy of China, a rising power in the 21st century. It examines three sets of driving forces behind China's foreign policy making. One is historical sources, including the selective memories and reconstruction of the glorious empire with an ethnocentric world outlook and the century of humiliation at the hands of foreign imperialist powers. The second set is domestic institutions and players, particularly the proliferation of new party and government institutions and players, such as the national security commission, foreign policy think tanks, media and local governments. The third set is Chinese perception of power relations, particularly their position in the international system and their position relations with major powers. This book consists of articles from the Journal of Contemporary China.

Considers the politics of central decision-making by focusing on senior policy makers and implementing bureaucracies on the one hand, and actors in economic and non-economic arenas on the other. The contributors held significant party and government positions in China up to 1989.

This book examines the development model that has driven China's economic success and looks at how it differs from the Washington Consensus. China's Development Model (CDM) is examined with a view to answering a central question: given China's peculiar matrix of a socialist party-state juxtaposed with economic internationalization and marketization, what are the underlying dynamics and the distinctive features of the economic and political/legal/social dimensions of the CDM, and how do we properly characterize their interrelations? The chapters further analyse to what extent and under what circumstances is China's development model sustainable, and to what degree is it readily applicable to other developing countries. Based on their findings in this volume, the authors conclude that the defining feature of the CDM's economic dimension is "Janus-faced state-led growth," and the political/legal/social dimension of the CDM is best characterized as "adaptive post-totalitarianism." The contributors illustrate that the CDM's parameters are shown to be much less sustainable than the CDM's outcome in developmental performance and the extent to which the CDM can be applied to other late-developers is subject to more qualifications than its sustainability.

Twenty years after the launch of village elections, the time is ripe to assess the progress and impact of China's most notable political reform. Where have elections been conducted well and where have they been conducted poorly? How have procedures changed over the years and have elections truly transformed how power is exercised in the countryside? What methods are researchers employing to study elections and how have scholars from different disciplines contributed to our knowledge of grassroots politics in China? This book carefully examines the implementation and effects of China's village, township, and people's congress elections, both in terms of democratizing the polity and spurring other changes in state-society relations. The chapters in this book have been published across several issues of the Journal of Contemporary China.

China s emergence in the 21st century to the status of great power has significant implications for its relationship with the United States, the sole superpower in the post-Cold War World. Now that China is rising as an economic, political, and military power and has expanded its diplomatic activism beyond Asia into Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, its rise has profoundly transformed its relationship with the US and compelled leaders in both countries to redefine their positions toward each other. This book, written by leading scholars and policy analysts from both the US and China, explores the transformation and multifaceted nature of US-China relations, including how the political elite in both countries have defined their strategic objectives in response to China s rise and managed their relations accordingly. It provides an up-to-date analysis on the policy adjustments of the last decade, and covers all the important issue areas such as security, nuclear deterrence, military modernization, energy, trade and economic interaction, and Asia-Pacific power reconfiguration. It does not seek to confirm either an alarmist or optimistic position but presents different views and assessments by foreign policy specialists with the hope that leaders in Washington and Beijing may make positive adjustments in their policies to avoid confrontation and war. It will also be an invaluable resource for students and scholars of US and Chinese politics, international relations and comparative politics.

China's emergence in the 21st century to the status of great power has significant implications for its relationship with the United States, the sole superpower in the post-Cold War World. Now that China is rising as an economic, political, and military power and has expanded its diplomatic activism beyond Asia into Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East, its rise has profoundly transformed its relationship with the US and compelled leaders in both countries to redefine their positions toward each other. This book, written by leading scholars and policy analysts from both the US and China, explores the transformation and multifaceted nature of US-China relations, including how the political elite in both countries have defined their strategic objectives in response to China's rise and managed their relations accordingly. It provides an up-to-date analysis on the policy adjustments of the last decade, and covers all the important issue areas such as security, nuclear deterrence, military modernization, energy, trade and economic interaction, and Asia-Pacific power reconfiguration. It does not seek to confirm either an alarmist or optimistic position but presents different views and assessments by foreign policy specialists with the hope that leaders in Washington and Beijing may make positive adjustments in their policies to avoid confrontation and war. It will also be an invaluable resource for students and scholars of US and Chinese politics, international relations and comparative politics.

The growing disconnect between China's market-oriented economy with its emerging civil society, and the brittle, anacronistic, and authoritarian state has given rise to intense discussion and debate about political reform, not only by Western observers, but also among Chinese intellectuals. While some expect China's political reform to lead to democratization, others have proposed to strengthen the institution of single-party rule and provide it with a solid legal base. This book brings the ongoing debate to life and explores the options for political reform. Offering the perspectives of both Western and Chinese scholars, it presents the controversial argument for building a consultive rule of law regime as an alternative to liberal democracy. It provides several critiques of this thesis, and then tests the thesis through empirical studies on the development of the rule of law in China.

Rising as a global power and regarding the existing world order unjust and unreasonable enough to meet the interests of both itself and other emerging powers, China has demanded reform to global governance, and taken new initiatives using its new quotient of wealth and influence to draw countries into its orbit. This comprehensive volume focuses on the two most important of these initiatives: the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013 to strengthen China's connectivity with a large part of the world through infrastructure and economic development; and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), created in 2015, which represented China's effort in the reconstruction of the international development rules. This book explores how these two initiatives are central to China's emerging global strategy. The authors examine China's geopolitical and geo-economic motivations and domestic political dynamics in launching these two initiatives. They also investigate the responses from the major foreign partners involved in both initiatives. This book will be of great interest to students, academics and researchers of China's emerging global strategy. It comprises articles originally published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

This volume explores how China is adapting to international norms and practices while still giving primacy to its national interests. It examines China's strategic behaviour on the world stage, particularly in its relationships with major powers and Asian neighbours.

China's expansion and growing influence in Africa is arguably the most remarkable global political and economic development in the 21st century. China's foray into Africa started in the late 1990s, propelled by its desire to obtain new sources of raw materials and energy for its economic growth, as well as new markets for its manufactured goods. While China's "no political strings attached" policy proves attractive to many of African leaders, China has been criticized as neo-colonialist, interested solely in stripping Africa of its mineral wealth without proper environmental or social precautions. This book addresses the controversy by exploring the motivations and practices of China's African engagement, providing a comprehensive account of the intensified interactions between China and African states. The first part examines the debate surrounding whether China has pursued a neo-colonialist path in Africa, by looking at the perception of China by the locals and the challenges that the intensified relationship has posed for African states. The second part analyses China's strategic motivations to see if Beijing has acquired sustaining power and influence in Africa in competition with the West. The third part focuses on economic and business practices of Chinese companies in Africa, as well as China-Africa trade patterns. The articles in this book were originally published in special issues of the Journal of Contemporary China.

China's expansion and growing influence in Africa is arguably the most remarkable global political and economic development in the 21st century. China's foray into Africa started in the late 1990s, propelled by its desire to obtain new sources of raw materials and energy for its economic growth, as well as new markets for its manufactured goods. While China's "no political strings attached" policy proves attractive to many of African leaders, China has been criticized as neo-colonialist, interested solely in stripping Africa of its mineral wealth without proper environmental or social precautions. This book addresses the controversy by exploring the motivations and practices of China's African engagement, providing a comprehensive account of the intensified interactions between China and African states. The first part examines the debate surrounding whether China has pursued a neo-colonialist path in Africa, by looking at the perception of China by the locals and the challenges that the intensified relationship has posed for African states. The second part analyses China's strategic motivations to see if Beijing has acquired sustaining power and influence in Africa in competition with the West. The third part focuses on economic and business practices of Chinese companies in Africa, as well as China-Africa trade patterns. The articles in this book were originally published in special issues of the Journal of Contemporary China.

To convey the image of a responsible power willing to contribute to regional stability and cooperation, China has shifted from a single-minded preference for bilateralism to an active participation in East Asian regionalism in the recent decades. This development has inspired discussions over whether a rising China could play a leadership role in building an institutionalized architecture for regional cooperation in East Asia. Nevertheless, this has not happened as East Asian regional cooperation and relevant activities remain mostly ad hoc and informal, especially when compared to regions such as Europe. To what extent has China contributed or constrained the development of regionalism in East Asia? What are China's desired roles and objectives in East Asian regional cooperation? What is the level of trust that other regional players have for China in regional cooperation? This book seeks answers to these questions by exploring China's motivations and strategic calculations as well as its policy practices in East Asian economic and security cooperation. This book was published as a special issue of the Journal of Contemporary China.

Chinese nationalism is powered by a narrative of China's century of shame and humiliation in the hands of imperialist powers and calls for the Chinese government to redeem the past humiliations and take back all "lost territories." The continuing surge of Chinese nationalism in the early 21st century therefore has fed a roiling sense of anxiety in many political capitals about whether a virulent nationalism has emerged to make China's rise anything but peaceful. This book addresses this anxiety by examining the domestic sources and foreign policy implications of Chinese nationalism in the early 21st century. It is divided into three parts. Part I is an overview of the scholarly debate about if the rise of Chinese nationalism has driven China's foreign policy in a more irrational and inflexible direction in the first one and half decades of the 21st century. Part II analyzes the construction of Chinese nationalism by a variety of domestic forces, including the communist state, the angry youth (fen qing), liberal intellectuals, and ethnic groups. Part III explores whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive through the case studies of China's maritime territorial disputes with Japan in the East China Sea and with several Southeast Asian countries in the South China Sea, the border controversy over the ancient Koguryo with Korea, and the cross-Taiwan Strait relations. This book was based on articles published in the Journal of Contemporary China.

China s rapid economic growth in the recent decades has produced an unprecedented energy vulnerability that could threaten the sustainability of its economic development, a linchpin to social stability and ultimately the regime legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) as well as the foundation for China's rising power aspirations. What is the Chinese perception of the energy security and challenges, how has the Chinese government responded to the challenges? What are the international implications of China s search for energy security?

This collection of contributions by leading scholars seeks answers to these extremely important questions. The book is divided into three parts. Part I presents an overview of China s sense of energy security and its strategic responses. Part II examines China s energy policy-making processes, the efforts to reform and reorganize the energy sector and reset policy priorities Part III focuses on the international implications of China s search for energy security.

This book consists of articles published in the Journal of Contemporary China."

The rise of China has transformed Sino-US relations in the 21st century. Although the United States remains atop the global power hierarchy, its relative leverage has become more restraint as China has steadily stepped up as a counterweight to US influence. The Sino-US relationship has, therefore, become increasingly strategic and complicated. In addition to the often sharp differences over many bilateral issues such as trade, human rights and Taiwan, a strategic distrust, i.e., suspicion of each other's long-term intentions, has emerged to overshadow the relationship. While many Chinese are concerned that the US will try to keep China down, some Americans are anxious about the implications of China's great power aspiration for US interests. How has China's rise resulted in the strategic distrust? Can the US and China function in a world of relatively greater power equality and interdependence? Can they forge a partnership to expand cooperation in areas of common interests? Specifically, what is the US anxiety of the "China threat" and responses to the transformation of the US-China relationship in the 21st century? How do the Chinese perceive the new relationship with the US? What are the Chinese perspectives of opportunities and challenges working with the US in traditional and non-traditional security issue areas? Can China replace the US leadership in Asia? How has the shifting balance of power between the US and China led to new dynamics in their respective relations with Japan and Taiwan? These are the critically important questions that this book of contributions by leading scholars seeks to find answers. This book is based on a collection of papers from the Journal of Contemporary China.